Category Archives: Constitutional

Restoring Balance? Bill 32, the Charter, and Fair Democratic Process

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Bill Commented On: Bill 32, Restoring Balance in Alberta’s Workplaces Act, 2020, 2nd Sess, 30th Leg, Alberta, 2020

On July 7, the United Conservative Party (UCP) government introduced Bill 32, styled the Restoring Balance in Alberta’s Workplaces Act, 2020. Bill 32 makes a number of changes to Alberta’s labour relations statutes that are of questionable constitutionality. The focus of this post is only on the constitutional dimensions of Bill 32’s impact on the capacity of unions to participate in political activities. Bill 32 is interesting from the perspective of democracy jurisprudence because it appears to be a paradigmatic example of the use of legislative power to silence or impair the efficacy of political opponents. A constitutional challenge to Bill 32, which seems inevitable based on early statements by Alberta unions, promises to provide a forum for the consideration of whether political animus is relevant to constitutional analysis. This post does not express a view on the constitutionality of Bill 32; rather, it explores how courts should approach constitutional analysis of legislation that has an obvious negative effect on political opponents of the government.

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Adding Zora to the 1L Crime Syllabus

By: Lisa Silver

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Case Commented On: R v Zora, 2020 SCC 14 (CanLII)

It is never too soon to start thinking about the fall semester – in fact, I keep a running list of changes to make to my syllabus throughout the year. But this year, it seems that the newest Supreme Court of Canada decision in R v Zora, 2020 SCC 14 (CanLII), is going to be added to my syllabus in more places than one. Zora is a rare decision in which the Court does much with so little. I do not say this flippantly but seriously. On the surface, the issue of whether the offence of failure to comply with a release order under section 145(3) of the Criminal Code, RSC 1985, c C-46, requires objective or subjective mens rea seems trite. In fact, any 1L student might be asked to do such an analysis on a law school exam. Yet, Zora soars as Justice Sheilah Martin expertly analyzes the issue holistically, humanely and firmly anchored in the Charter. In doing so, Justice Martin, on behalf of the entire Court, is weaving together a narrative based on the histories of all those accused who have carried their bail conditions like dead weight, from the moment of arrest and right up to the courtroom doors. In this post, I will share 5 reasons why I am adding Zora to my 1L Crime syllabus.

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Supreme Court of Canada Finally Addresses Racial Profiling by Police

By: Meryl Friedland

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Cases Commented On: R v Le, 2019 SCC 34 (CanLII); R v Ahmad, 2020 SCC 11 (CanLII)

Nine minutes. This is the length of time that a police officer pressed a knee to the neck of George Floyd in the United States, while he lay on the ground immobilized, pleading, stating he couldn’t breathe. Nine minutes is a shockingly long time for Constable Chauvin to have exerted deadly force on a human being whom he had already rendered vulnerable. He could only do this without interference because of the power provided to him by the state. He could only do this because violent race-based state conduct is nothing new – far from it.

Our current Canadian protests expose the local experience of abusive and racist police tactics, both systemic and overt, against Black, Indigenous, and other racialized Canadians. These protests and the action urged by them have the potential to mobilize and enact change. The criminal justice system is reactionary, but it can still send a message denouncing unlawful conduct with the aim of preventing it from recurring. Recently, the Supreme Court of Canada has given us new tools in this fight, by addressing racial profiling twice in the past year in R v Le, 2019 SCC 34 (CanLII) and R v Ahmad, 2020 SCC 11 (CanLII). It has taken an exceptionally long time for our highest court to give us these tools. Although these judgments are a start, unquestionably there is still much work to be done, both in and out of the courts.

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The Fair Deal Panel Report – and the British North America Act?

By: Nigel Bankes

PDF Version: The Fair Deal Panel Report – and the British North America Act?

Report Commented On: Fair Deal Panel, Report to Government, May 2020

The Kenney government has now released the Report of the Fair Deal Panel. It is not a good read. Many sections are poorly written and poorly reasoned. But since ABlawg is a blog on legal developments, let’s start with the title to this post and the decision of the authors to refer to Canada’s founding constitutional document as the British North America Act (BNA Act) of 1867.

While the authors concede (at 13) that the BNA Act is also known as the Constitution Act, 1867, they consistently refer to the BNA Act throughout the report. This is simply wrong, and it has been wrong since 1982 when Canada adopted the Constitution Act, 1982. That Act includes a Schedule entitled “Modernization of the Constitution” (emphasis added) which serves to rename elements of the Constitution. In particular, item 1 in the Schedule renames the BNA Act of 1867 the Constitution Act, 1867. It repeals the title to the old BNA Act.

This may seem, especially to non-lawyers, a relatively trivial point (perhaps the Panel members just made an elementary mistake, despite having two lawyers on the Panel), but perhaps there is something deeper going on. Perhaps the Panel, consciously or unconsciously, is hearkening back to the “golden” days of Empire and reaffirming the institution of the Monarchy; or perhaps the Panel is somehow questioning the legitimacy of the patriation of the Constitution and its (Pierre) Trudeau Charter? But none of that makes any sense. As the statue topplers remind us, there was nothing especially golden about the Empire, and there is one element of the 1982 constitutional package that Alberta continues to rely on heavily. That is the addition of section 92A, the resources amendment, to the Constitution Act, 1982. That amendment afforded the provinces greater powers over the regulation of oil and gas, electricity, and other natural resources.

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Bill 1: Criminalizing Protests and Encroaching on Aboriginal and Treaty Rights

By: Alexandra Heine and Kelly Twa

PDF Version: Bill 1: Criminalizing Protests and Encroaching on Aboriginal and Treaty Rights

Bill Commented On: Bill 1, the Critical Infrastructure Defence Act, 2nd Sess, 30th Leg, Alberta, 2020

This is the second part of a two-part series on Bill 1, the Critical Infrastructure Defence Act, 2nd Sess, 30th Leg, Alberta, 2020. Professors Jennifer Koshan, Lisa Silver, and Jonnette Watson Hamilton authored the first post, Protests Matter: A Charter Critique of Alberta’s Bill 1, which explores Bill 1’s lack of compliance with sections 2(b), 2(c), 2(d), 7, and 15 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The first post also offers an overview of Bill 1 and importantly, it offers examples of the type of activities that appear to contravene Bill 1:

A vigil for Regis Korchinski-Paquet is held in Olympic Plaza—a square in downtown Calgary—in conjunction with Black Lives Matters protests across the country. The vigil spills onto Stephen Avenue Mall, where bicycles are permitted.
Indigenous persons and their allies hold a protest against construction of a pipeline on-site in northern Alberta.
Workers rally in a parking lot outside a meat packing plant to bring attention to the gendered and racialized impact of the Alberta government’s response to COVID-19.
Persons with disabilities and their allies protest cuts to AISH on the sidewalk adjacent to the High Level Bridge in Edmonton.
LGBTQ2S+ groups hold a sit-in under a flagpole on the grounds of the Alberta Legislature after the Pride flag is taken down only one day into Pride month.

As noted in the first post, these peaceful protesters could be subject to immediate arrest by the police, increasing the potential for further conflict between law enforcement and the public.

This second post examines how Bill 1 treads on the federal government’s criminal law powers under section 91(27) of The Constitution Act, 1867 and provides commentary on how the Bill threatens Aboriginal rights under section 35 of The Constitution Act, 1982.

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