March 8 is International Women’s Day, and Calgary law firm Burnet, Duckworth & Palmer marked the occasion with a luncheon highlighting the work of the Equality Effect. The Equality Effect – or E2 – is an international network of human rights advocates (including community members, artists, musicians, film makers, health care workers, journalists, lawyers, academics, students, judges and Parliamentarians), primarily from Canada, Ghana, Kenya and Malawi, who are working to improve the lives of women and girls using human rights law. Fiona Sampson, E2’s Executive Director, spoke at the luncheon about the 160 Girls Project, a legal initiative aimed at forcing Kenyan authorities to protect girls in Kenya from sexual violence. I am part of the vast volunteer legal team that is working on this project, which includes students from across the country, as well as lawyers and activists from the Equality Effect’s partner countries. Also attending the luncheon were U of C law students Gabrielle Motuz, Amanda Winters, and Meghan Tonner, all of whom have done volunteer research for the Equality Effect (along with many more student volunteers from U of C who could not attend or who have graduated).
Author: Jennifer Koshan Page 30 of 44
B.Sc., LL.B (Calgary), LL.M. (British Columbia).
Professor. Member of the Alberta Bar.
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PDF version: I Fought the Law: Civil Disobedience and the Law in Canada
Cases commented on: Calgary (City) v Bullock (Occupy Calgary), 2011 ABQB 764;
Batty v City of Toronto, 2011 ONSC 6862; R v SA, 2011 ABPC 269; R v Charlebois, 2011 ABPC 238, etc.
On February 1, 2012, I participated in a public forum entitled “Civil Disobedience: Concept, Law and Practice” organized by the Sheldon Chumir Foundation for Ethics in Leadership. This post is an elaboration of my remarks at the forum on how civil disobedience is handled under Canadian law. I will review some recent cases on civil disobedience, including the Occupy litigation, to examine issues such as whether civil disobedience may be protected under the Charter, and if not, what sorts of sanctions protestors might expect to face.
PDF version: “The proof of the pudding is in the eating” that litigation is not the best way to quantify interim costs.
Case considered: R v Caron, 2011 ABCA 385
Gilles Caron has been a very present figure before the Alberta courts since ABlawg began posting comments in late 2007 (see here). Caron is challenging the constitutionality of Alberta’s legislation on the basis that the province’s laws are not enacted in both English and French. That issue is now before the Court of Appeal (see 2010 ABCA 343 and here). Caron’s litigation has also involved an access to justice component in that he has pursued interim costs awards to fund his litigation. That issue went to the Supreme Court of Canada, which ruled that the Alberta government was required to fund Caron’s language rights challenge (see 2011 SCC 5, [2011] 1 SCR 78 and here). The lingering question was, to what extent was such funding required? That issue was recently considered by the Alberta Court of Appeal. In a decision written by Justice Jean Côté, Caron was awarded far less funding than he sought for the Court of Appeal litigation, and in the form of a loan rather than a grant (see 2011 ABCA 385).
By: Jennifer Koshan
Legislation considered: Bill C-19, An Act to amend the Criminal Code and the Firearms Act (“Ending the Long-gun Registry Act”), 41st Parliament, 1st Session
December 6, 2011 was the National Day of Remembrance for Violence Against Women, which marked the 22nd anniversary of the Montreal Massacre. The Globe and Mail‘s Jane Taber indicated that “government MPs [were] purposely shut out from officially speaking at and attending an event on Parliament Hill to honour the 14 young women who were shot dead in 1989,” because the government is about to repeal the long gun registry (see Bill C-19). The Montreal Massacre was one of the pressure points for the registry, as was the use of firearms in crimes of domestic violence. When the Alberta government challenged the constitutionality of the registry, which was implemented via the Firearms Act, SC 1995, ch 39, as an amendment to the Criminal Code, the Supreme Court found that it was properly enacted under the federal government’s criminal law powers (see Reference re Firearms Act (Can.), 2000 SCC 31, [2000] 1 SCR 783 at paras 43, 59). The enactment of the law creating the registry was constitutional; but is its repeal unlawful? I think an argument can be made that the federal government’s abolishment of the long gun registry is unconstitutional on Charter grounds, as well as contrary to international law.
PDF version: Should They Stay or Should They Go? Occupy, The City and the Charter
I’ve been to Zuccotti Park in New York City, the base camp of Occupy Wall Street, a few times this fall. The first time was in early October, the day before Mayor Michael Bloomberg told the protestors they had to de-occupy the park for a day to allow a clean-up. The de-occupation was resisted and never happened; the occupiers are still there, sometimes under tarps and in tents. Bloomberg and the City started out as relatively supportive of the occupation, but that support has waned over time with complaints from some nearby residents and business owners about the noise emanating from the Park, as well as concerns about unsanitary conditions, drug use, and assaults (Cara Buckley and Colin Moynihan, “Occupy Wall Street Protest Reaches a Crossroads“, New York Times, Nov. 4, 2011). Similar waning of support is occurring in Canadian cities. Vancouver has now brought an application for a court order that Occupy Vancouver take down their tents from the space in front of the Art Gallery after a 23 year old woman was found dead in her tent, the second apparent drug overdose in a week (Rod Mickleburgh, “Vancouver’s bid to end Occupy protest encampment stalls in court“, Globe and Mail, Nov. 9, 2011). In Calgary, City Council voted on November 7 to order the removal of Occupy Calgary tents from Olympic Plaza (CBC News, “City to remove Occupy Calgary tents in Olympic Plaza“, Nov. 7, 2011). What does the law say about all of this, and in particular, is the Globe and Mail’s recent editorial correct that “There is no constitutional right to Occupy“?